An Historical Outline of the Union Movement in Argentina

1. At the time of the fall of president Irigoyen, trade-unionism was still dominated by – social-democrats, anarchists, Stalinists and revolutionary syndicalists. This same Government-, the first democratic one in Argentina, had been involved in negotiations with the various trade-union currents, initiating a ’new type’ of relationship with the working class. The provisional Government, of General Uriburu which followed expressed an openly corporative regime, which, through an Office for Labour Relations, tried out a type of reformism in which trade-unions as such were prohibited.

With the “patriotic front” of General Justo the unions turn to legality, although maintaining distinct political positions. A movement towards unification gets underway eventually leading to the formation of the Confederazione Generale del Lavoro (CGT) which will come under the sway of socialists and Stalinists. In this period trotskism makes its influence felt.

Socialism, from the 21^st Congress on, tales up positions remarkably akin to nationalism, proposing barriers against foreign capital, and adopting a ’national way’ as its politics.

In 1938 the Government renews the prohibitions of 1935 on the Unions displaying the Bed flag or any other devices that symbolise political ideology in the unions.

It is from this period that the distinguishing features of Argentinian trade-unionism emerge, with the help of the revolutionary syndicalists: nationalism, which though ’left-wing’, is anti-imperialist, conciliatory, reformist, pledging itself to remaining within the strictures of the economy. The more right-wing sectors have already begun to allow that the interests of capitalism coincide with the workers’ interests…

2. The provisional Government which emerges from the Coup of 1943 will found the Secretariat of Labour and Social Security which will be entrusted to the then Colonel Peron who will set about centralizing the unions. A product of this period is a refounding of the old unions and the foundation of new ones, but all under the direction of the State.

Finally the tendency towards centralization in the unions will lead to official state control. These same unions will have a fundamental role in the elections of October 17^th 1945 which carry Peron to presidential office.

In the process of becoming organs of the State, with officials nominated from above, the statutes are modified and at the CGT congress of 1950 there is the denunciation of communists arid marxists, with article 4 of the CGT constitution forbidding them from militating in the unions.

On May 1^st of the following year, during the official CGT demonstration the secretary general, Espejo, will be challenged by the crowd and greeted with hissing and booing.

In the same year the Feronist government held its “productivity congresses”, but the working class is otherwise engaged, preoccupied with a new wave of struggles: the main battles are conducted by the railway workers, which has to operate within a network militarised by the government; the other important battle is fought by the bank workers.

The class struggle spreads and extends faster and faster but is interrupted by the coup of September 1955 (see our press of the time: Programme Comunista, No. 17 of 1955). The CGT is taken to court and its funds sequestrated, most of its leaders go into hiding, into exile, or are imprisoned.

3. Under the provisional governments firstly of general Lonardi, and then of general Aramburu (1955), the stance of the CGT leadership is to negotiate. In a certain way they had succeeded with this approach under Peron, although the equipment and the funds of the unions weren’t restored. Peronism, which is forbidden under Law 4161 (affecting Peron and some members of his government) proceeds to form an electoral agreement with a wing of the “radicals”, that led by Dr. Frondizi. The latter promises Peron and the Trade-union leadership that it will maintain the integrity of the CGT and restore all the funds confiscated from the bureaucracy. When Frondizi arrives in Government there occurs the so-called “integracion”: the union wealth is restored to the union leadership, which thereupon returns to its previous stance of not opposing government actions.

Frondizi is overthrown on 29/3/62 and things change again. There follows the historical period known as the “Peronist resistance”. During this time certain proletarian groups influenced by class politics arise, whilst the union leadership operates in its own, and the bourgeoisie’s, interests.

Next the CGT leaders oppose Illia’s “radical” government, which had indicated its wish to “democratise” the unions, thereby clashing with Peron.

It is in this period that Augusto Vandor, who starts out as a delegate from the “Philips” factories, becomes the greatest leader of the metalworkers. Opposing Peron, his proposal is for a Peronism without Peron, for fully integrated unions separated from the state power.

4. When on 24 March I966 the Illia government is overthrown, August Vandor and his friends are there at the installation ceremony of the latest dictator, general Ongania, signaling their future support. The CGT now splits, out of which emerges the CGTA (Argentinian CGT). This organisation claims to be more ’left-wing’ since it represents ’all’ workers plus ’the people’. It is directed by the social-democrat Ongaro and social democrats predominate over other tendencies: in fact, given its declared aims it might just as well have been a labourist party instead.

What is important about this period is that intermediate tendencies arise breaking with the past which start to talk of socialism; even if Russia, Cuba, and Algeria etc. are often considered socialist as such. The whole of this epoch is accompanied by the hegemony of the “Montoneros”, a pseudo-revolutionary Peronist grouping, and the PRT-ERP which bases itself on military action.

This whole process leads to the popular rebellions known as “Cordobazo”, “Rosariazo” etc..: taking place between 1968 and 1970, they are named after the towns which become the epicentres of revolt, provincial capitals with large concentrations of workers, and prompting the military and bourgeoisie to return to the democratic scene. This return involves the union bureaucracy sharing power with the Peronist government: firstly with the Campora government, then with Peron himself, and then with his wife “Isabelita”. The bureaucracy become totally immersed in signing and implementing ‘social pacts’. Nevertheless, during a period of heightened class struggles, the workers and the intermediate union leaderships go over their heads, ignoring them. The most important moments are the general strikes of June 1974 and July 1975. Those involved in the coup of 24 March 1976 are decided in crushing all those looking toward a new way forward in the class struggle.

5. Trade-unionism during the latest dictatorship has for the most part collaborated and it is only when the bourgeoisie starts to go against its interests, with the so-called “multiparticita” that it starts to organise an apposition trade-unionism; a trend which is accelerated by the defeat in the Falklands/Malvinas War.

Trade-unionism is reduced to being a bourgeois snake in the bosom of the working class betraying both the immediate and historical interests of the class; this it has clearly demonstrated during both the last dictatorship and during the democracy which followed. There is a clear necessity for a new trade-union organisation which doesn’t genuflect before the flag. A red, class trade-unionism is needed, as the latest struggles show.

For this to happen, communist revolutionaries must form groups in the workplace in order to speed up the work of clarification and organisation.