Even in Myanmar Democracy and Dictatorship Join Hands to Better Oppress the Working Class

The focus and narrative of the situation in Myanmar in recent years has been on the events of war. Such events are highly complex, due to the variety of formations that oppose the central government, three of which have even established an alliance.

By now, these numerous armed formations collectively control an area of the country far greater than that controlled by the military junta (which calls itself the State Administration Council, or SAC).

In parallel with this war of military formations, another, equally bloody war is taking place; a war about which the international press gives scant reports.

This war is the struggle of Burma’s working class, concentrated in the industrial areas surrounding the former capital Rangoon.

When “free” elections were finally held in 2011, U Thein Sein, a former general and former member of the Military Junta, was elected.

The Junta thus wanted to give itself a semblance of democratic legality. In reality, Thein Sein ushered in a series of pro-development reforms which also sought to engage a proletariat that was intended to be motivated and productive.

The Junta started by authorizing the existence of labor unions for the first time in 50 years.

In 2013, another law introduced minimum wage, then an easing of censorship on the mass media, release of several political prisoners, and even a halt to a large dam and hydropower plant project in the north of the country, a project run by Chinese companies.

Then, the Junta improved Myanmar’s position in ASEAN, even securing the chairmanship in 2014. They also improved relations with the US. Finally, they released Aung San Suu Kyi and admitted her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), the main opposition party, in the next election.

These elections were held in 2015 and, predictably, saw the victory of the NLD.

But even if some had deluded themselves into thinking that the policy inaugurated by Thien Sein would be continued, the state changed its tune.

The NLD quickly narrowed workers’ room for maneuver, registering labor unions became difficult, and in case of disputes the Ministry of Labor sides with the bosses. They used COVID-19 as a pretext to get powers used to intimidate those who protested, and cancelled the two-year review of minimum wage that was scheduled for 2020.

Obviously, they attempted to make it profitable for foreign capital to invest in the country, especially in the mining and garment sectors.

Evidently, they didn’t do this by limiting profits or focusing on the quality of production. Instead, they followed the most convenient and obvious path, built on the backs of the industrial proletariat.

The World Bank supported the government in this endeavor, which led to the government’s passage of a tailor-made law in 2016.

Workers, peasants, and students had no shortage of protests, strikes, and marches. But once it was confirmed that the “democratic” regime could not verify law and order, in 2021 the Junta took back power by launching a coup d’état.

Unfortunately, international media reports focus on the armed struggle. This is a particularly complex picture because of the multiplicity of actors, many of which do not always agree even with each other.

But what matters, and what has basically brought about this unstable situation, is what happens in the clash between the working class and capital.

This is what Le Monde Diplomatique reported in January (Italian edition):

“The situation has worsened since February 2021 and the military coup, but the repression has not dampened the combativeness of the people.

On the contrary.

Since Feb. 6, 2021, the streets of Yangoon, the country’s economic lung and ancient capital, have been lined with large demonstrations.

At the head of the marches are women workers in garment factories. Industrial zones surround the city, and women workers come mainly from the countryside.

A few days later, officials began a general strike.

By the end of the year, some 400,000 workers, including teachers and other civil servants, were on strike, and were soon joined by truck drivers, miners, laborers. […]

The colossal movement largely contributed to an 18% contraction of the country’s economy during the year following the coup.

“But a large proportion of strikers were forced to return to work because the SAC represses public demonstrations.

Union activists sit In the crosshairs.

As of February 26th, sixteen of the most important unions have been declared illegal.

On March 14th, soldiers and policemen killed at least 65 protesters in the Hlaing Tharyar industrial zone, in the suburbs of Yangoon, one of the epicenters of the workers’ struggle.

The next day, SAC proclaimed martial law there, as well as at many other production sites.

On April 15th, some 40 soldiers raided the offices of the Solidarity Trade Union of Myanmar (STUM) and arrested its director, Daw Myo Myo Aye.

Many union leaders and activists are going into hiding or are fleeing abroad in order to avoid arrest.

Meanwhile, the bosses take advantage of the obstacles erected by the SAC to any workers’ mobilization to worsen working conditions and make unions more fragile.

Many companies tear up existing labor contracts and rehire workers on call and for wages below the legal minimum.

On March 16, 2021, factory boss Xing Jia called the police because six workers were disputing the wages they were paid.

Law enforcement kills protesters.”

But in the workplaces the struggle continues, particularly in the export factories scattered in Yangon’s outlying industrial areas, where a section of workers continue to struggle—some even reporting some successes.

To those workers, who risk their lives to defend their living and working conditions, goes the communists’ unfortunately only verbal solidarity.

This situation will not fail to make this young working class experience firsthand how illusory the promises of capitalism are, and how vulnerable achievements can be when they clash with the lust for profit of international capital.

We internationalist communists cannot but note that the tune doesn’t change.

The bourgeoisie can divide and even militarily clash over market competition, over membership in one or another camarilla that sells itself to international capital, as happened in former Burma between the Junta and NLD.

But when it comes to crushing the working class for the usual extortion of profits they are all the same. And if they come to power one day, we have no doubt that this behavior will also inspire the various armed formations of today.

There is only one road left for the proletariat: use this experience to reconnect with the political strand of revolutionary communism. This view is not only necessary for the conquest of power, but also for an effective strategy and organization of the economic struggle.