Italy: The Metal Workers Caught in the Vice Between Bosses and Unions

fter eight months of struggle and almost 100 hours on strike, a new contract has been signed by the Italian Metal-workers. It has cost them all of 1650 billion lire; amounting to a wage reduction of around 1,100,000 lire for each proletarian.

First of all we should point out that this bosses-union ”platform” (this stupid fetish object) has certainly achieved the objectives of both the Federmeccanica (see footnote for all organisations referred to here), and the FI0M, FIM and the UILM, i.e., yet again the renewal of contracts has turned out to be entirely to their advantage – and entirely to the disadvantage of proletarians.

This signing of contracts marked the end of a dispute began on March 12, 1990 when the FI0M, FIM and UILM sent off their original proposals for a renewal of contracts – even then a bosses platform – to the Federmeccanica. In order to show the incredibly swinish conduct resorted to by the union triumvirate, and to make sure everyone knows about it, we will recapitulate the main stages from there on.

One observation straight off: the fact that the initial union demands were the ”fruit of a long and bitter struggle” between the union bosses has to be reckoned with and can’t be swept under the carpet; certainly it is true that inside the FIOM, FIM and UILM, different stances were and are taken on how to ”manage and program” both union and contractual policy. But we are nevertheless convinced (and will demonstrate it if necessary) that the various different positions, which are certainly not just armchair musings, hang entirely on the best way to put a break on the workers struggle, and on how best to defend the ”national economy”, i.e., how best to defend the interests of the bourgeoisie and its state. We should never forget that the union swine are masters at fixing things so that they can gradually be channelled in an opportunist direction. Whether specific interests are backed by the unions as the occasion demands or not, we can still say this; that they are firmly rooted in the terrain of ”collaboration with the bosses”, and are instruments of their programme to keep wages down.

The contractual demands proposed by the three main unions to the federmeccanica comprised: 1) a rise of about 270,000 lire on average, plus length of service rises; 2) a reduction of 64 hours per annum to bring the working week to 37½ hours in two years.

These requests were rejected when presented to the workers at: Alfa-Romeo at Arese and Pomigliano; Olivetti in Ivrea; Zanussi in Pordenone; OM/Iveco in Brescia; Aeritaia in Naples, and at Weber in Bologna. We recall that previously an agreement had been signed between the union and Confindustria leaders, the famous ”protocol agreement on new industrial relations”, that had precisely the aim of linking workers to company productivity; to prevent any demands being made which aimed to improve their working and living conditions, demands that would inevitably raise the cost of production.

The Federmeccanica, secure in the fact that the unions had dutifully assumed their responsibilities as outlined above, responded to the platform on March 30^th with a resounding NO, and the negotiations continued up to the middle of June to no avail. The first strikes then began, many of which were spontaneous and not organized by the union head offices. The union mandarins thereupon announced a totally ungeneral, ”General Strike” on June 27^th.

During the Summer break – an excellent pretext for putting a break on the workers in struggle – no change occurred in the approach of the union H.Q’s.

On the return to work, the unified unions ”reviewed” the original platform, and the first concession was this: the demands are lowered to 230 thousand lire in salary increases and a reduction of 40 hours per annum.

Not even these ”modifications” – which are not ”adjustments as proposals for negotiation” as the union paper Nuova Rassegna Sindicale ingenuously asserts – managed to unblock the negotiations. But the conjurers at the union H.Q.’s, who are ever at work with their stale old illusions, pull yet another rabbit out of the hat – this time the Honourable Bourgeois Minister of Labour, Donat Cattin, who is insistently called upon to intervene; the same personage who has already ”since August let the unions know that he would supervise the negotiations”; this, when he announced in Nuova Rassegna Sindacale that: ”blackmail tactics have been chosen: in exchange for a reduction in hours – and not a merely symbolic reduction – an overtime increase has been demanded. With regard to the item on wages: if you want increases that go beyond the rate of inflation, we have been made clearly to understand that the price that must be paid is a moratorium for at least two years on renegotiating company contracts and a freeze on seniority rises”.

By appealing to the bourgeois ministry, a cardinal rule of class struggle is renounced; that which indicates to the workers that they must fight on a level that is GENERALISED AND WITHOUT ANY SET TIME LIMITS. Appealing to the ministry is also tantamount to being conditioned by conscious blackmail, conditioned by respect for the written laws; the upshot of which is that it comes to seem logical and natural to religiously genuflect before them.

Against this backdrop of union prostitution, on October 5^th the second ”general strike” occurs. On March 16^th, talks between the Federmeccanica and the unions break down once again. On March 24^th, after various ”exploratory” talks, the minister Donat Cattin calls both sides together in order ”to mediate” between them. November 9^th, another sectoral ”general strike”: in Rome a national demonstration takes place with 250,000 workers participating from the metal-working, textile, chemical and agricultural sectors. In the following days, it looks as though confrontations might break out again; November 13th, a phase of meetings with ministers commences but the negotiations come to nothing.

Finally, amidst wildcat strikes, agitation and roadblocks, railway blockades, ”general strikes” and postponements, the result after eight months – which is quite a long time – is precisely nothing. The bosses ”blackmail proposal” ends up by being accepted.

No-one can say that the workers have been reluctant to fight. But we can say that the 96 hours out on strike (not bad in this day and age) and fought with admirable spirit and sacrifice at that, have been thrown down the drain by the opportunist unions in their shameful kowtowing to the enemy.

A situation rife with hypocrisy and falsehood has meant that 96 hours of strike action have been wasted. If the workers interests and the elementary principles of class struggle had been to the fore, these 96 hours should have, and could have, achieved RAPID and DECISIVE results by ensuring that the strikes were truly NATIONAL, UNITARY, and NOT CONSTRAINED WITHIN SET TIME LIMITS. Only GENERALISED and SUSTAINED actions could have hit at the bosses vital interests.

The central importance of the metal-working industry in the national economy would have allowed these actions to widen, deepen and make the workers offensive both irresistible and irreversible.

The latter then was the cause of the defeat. But what do the putrid Union centres have to say about it? ”It doesn’t seem appropriate, at this time, to centralise the struggle for contracts” (Nuova Rasssgna Sindacale, 19-11-90).

By November the 9^th, millions of workers were on the move, metal-workers, workers in the textile, chemical and construction industry, and workers in agriculture and commerce, but the splitting and the splintering around sectoral interests had betrayed the struggle.

By November the 22^nd, negotiations are resumed and Donat Cattin, the minister, presents his proposals: 1) a four year contract, 2) an average monthly increase of 250 thousand lire, to include length of service increments, 3) a reduction of 16 hours per annum, 4) a ”one-off” payment of 710 thousand lire, 5) a moratorium on renegotiation of company contracts until April 30^th 1992. On December 4^th, the attitude of the FEDERMECCANICA and CONFINDUSTRIA hardens and they reject the minister’s proposals regarding the reduction of hours (much to the rage of the workers) and negotiations are suspended. Another meeting in Turin, and another breakdown in negotiations over hours; the CGIL, CISL and the UIL, who are ever eager to give proof of their good intentions to their members, decide on a strike; but in order to give the bosses plenty of time to prepare, they set the date for December 20^th! By December 12th, the game was already played out. Big boss Pinfarina now asks for a ”compromise” professing that ”a point had been reached (a lowest common denominator) beyond which it wasn’t possible to go; out of regard for social responsibility, and not because of workers’ protests or for fear of a general strike” (L’Unità 15-12-90).

On December 13th, Donat Cattin brings the two parties together, and separate meetings are held between the CONFINDUSTRIA, FEDERMECCANICA and the bourgeois ”community coppers”, the unions. Then on December 14^th, there takes place the last bit of sleight of hand. At four in the morning, like thieves in the night, all agitation is liquidated in the most shameful way with the signing of a usurers treaty.

Herewith the metal-workers new contract:

1) The contract is to be reckoned as running from January 1^st, 1991 to June 30^th 1994. This prompts the union leaders of the CGIL, CISL and UIL to declare that ”it cannot constitute a precedent for future negotiations”. Such a statement is a barefaced lie because the imposition of longterm contracts is an old and established way of attempting to block off the initiative to proletarian struggle. International opportunism has taught (in Switzerland there is perpetual ”labour peace”) that all is well for the bourgeoisie as long as the business commissions supervise the putting into effect, and respect for, the regulation of wages (to which they allegedly contribute their ”business acumen”) and of working conditions. Such is the bourgeois dream, to realise an eternal ”labour peace”; a set of definite rules to resolve the struggle between labour and capital; commissions that program and reinforce meetings with the bosses and state.

The proletariat will show that their dream is a policeman’s utopia.

2) Wage rises: average gross monthly rise to be 217 thousand lire until the contract expiry date. This amount to be subdivided into three parts payable at different times as follows: a 100 thousand lire (on average) To be paid from January 1 1991, that is, about 46% of the total; 39 thousand lire (18%) from January 1 1992; 78 thousand lire (36%) from January 1 1993.

Finally, with length of service rises included in the reckoning as well, the average increase over a period of three and a half years comes to scarcely 250 thousand lire! In fact this rate is even lower than that asked by the declaredly patriotic state unions, and it is nothing other than a total and complete capitulation.

3) A ”lump-sum” payment of 840 thousand lire paid in two instalments: 450 thousand lire will be included in the first pay-packet after the signing of the agreement; 390 thousand lire in May 1991.

From January 1 1991, monthly increases, (currently fixed for workers of the seventh grade at 90 thousand lire a month) will be raised to 115 thousand lire. From the same date, allowances for managerial staff (presently set at 120 thousand lire a month) will be raised to 190 thousand lire. From January 1 1991, the occupational bonus will be raised from 30 to 55 thousand lire. [ed: this occupational bonus is only paid for days worked and is not taken into consideration when pensions are worked out; neither is it taken into account when overtime rates are fixed].

4) Reduction of working hours: Not only is this has a pathetically small reduction of 16 hours, but there are strings attached: 8 hours of this will not be made effective until October 1993, and the other eight, not until April 1994! Will this reduction of 3 and a half minutes per day really be worth waiting for!

It comes then as no surprise then that the rubbishy union leaders signed this traitors charter without seeking approval from the workers assemblies.

And who has gained from this new labour contract? The proletariat, the class, or the enemy? To us, the reply seems simple, there can be no doubt that the Federmeccanica has won, capitalism, the class enemy has won. Thanks to the sabotage of the union centres, a contract has been imposed at ”zero cost”, that is, neither the bosses profits or the exploitation of the proletariat has been diminished.

The bourgeois regime, with its defensive apparatus for regimenting the workers in war and peace, and imposing its laws, has won yet again. To shake off this oppression, one way, and one way only remains open to workers: the strike, appealing to the solidarity of the exploited in all sectors. But in order to struggle effectively, the workers must throw off the ball and chain that has weighed them down for decades: that of the union traitors. The rebirth of genuine red, class unions; of anti-boss and anti-bourgeois mobilization lies before the rising generation of proletarians.Notes: