The Party and Social Media
This article was published in:
Available translations:
- English: The Party and Social Media
- Italian: Il Partito e i media sociali
- Swedish: Partiet och sociala medier
The International Communist Party aims to create and distribute a paper for the world proletariat. Over time, this paper will be published in languages other than English, in proportion to the material possibilities provided by the growth of our movement.
The content of our press will be ideologically homogeneous, complete in line with the international principles of revolutionary Marxism. While we may include discussions on local specificities, such concerns will always be subordinated to the universal class struggle. In this way, we will avoid any and all tendencies towards opportunism and federalism.
The production and distribution of this central organ will have to be a top priority for the Party. Only through coherent and internationally coordinated communication will it be possible to prevent the re-emergence of factionalism, revisionism, and internal crises. All the energies and resources of the Party will have to be devoted to this instrument of political battle. It will be the centerpiece of the strategy for strengthening our movement, constituting the leadership of the working class toward world proletarian revolution.
Party investigation is more than a simple matter of transmitting information to the working groups or the center. Its role goes far beyond a mere mechanical functioning, such as the superficial copy-paste activity found on social media. Instead, the working group’s mission is deeply rooted in understanding the needs and directives of the Party, which are then elaborated into collective work plans. This work is not just about collecting data or news, but analysis and interpretation. Working groups must determine what these facts mean for the revolutionary struggle, and ultimately, for the party. Every piece of information must be analyzed through the lens of communist doctrine to understand its political and strategic implications. This theoretical and political reflection is essential to ensure that the Party’s investigation serves the cause of the proletariat, steadfast in the ideological and operational unity of the Party.
The ability to interpret reality correctly—without falling into superficial or piecemeal approaches—distinguishes the activity of the International Communist Party from that of any other organization. It ensures that all of its actions and communications respond to a coherent and well-defined revolutionary goal.
Today’s society is, frankly, characterized by an overabundance of information and—most of all—noise. This noise is almost always confusing and disorienting, and makes it difficult to discern what is truly relevant to the revolutionary cause. In this chaos, the task of our movement becomes crucial: it must be able to rigorously and methodically filter this incessant flow of data, selecting and transmitting to the Party only the information which is genuinely useful and relevant to its collective action and strategy.
When communicating information within the Party, it is essential to take an organic and clear approach. First, militants must always state why they are communicating, making sure the context of this information is explicit and explaining its potential value. Second, they must precisely state to whom that particular information may be useful, ensuring that it is targeted to the right comrade(s) or group(s). Third, it is necessary to cite where (or how) the information was obtained, allowing the Party to verify it, and, if necessary, investigate it further. Finally, and perhaps most importantly of all, all communication must be accompanied by political reflection according to the Party’s point of view, making sure that the information is not conveyed as mere raw facts, but already contextualized and understood in the light of our doctrine.
In this way, this information will not only be immediately usable, but will actively contribute to the Party’s theoretical and practical development, avoiding any dispersion of energy and ensuring that all correspondence is directed toward strengthening collective action. This is the only way to effectively counter the constant noise generated by capitalism, transforming information into an instrument of conscious (and ultimately organized) struggle.
The Party’s internal communication requires consistent coordination and attention, which at minimum necessitates commitment and reflection. It cannot be left to chance or the superficial nature of everyday modes of interaction. Internal communications must be transmitted in a structured and formal manner through tools such as e-mail, which allows for systematic organization and careful archiving of the correspondence; they must not be left to inappropriate means such as cell phone calls, social media, or forums, which encourage distraction and fragment collective thinking.
The habits of communication imposed by capitalism on society, which delight in nothing but immediacy and, of course, superficiality, are incompatible with the needs of the Party. The shapeless masses of people, lacking conscious organization, express themselves on social media in a chaotic and passive manner, reducing communication to a trivial copy-and-pasting of links, accompanied, at most, by a few extemporaneous comments. There is no real sender nor a defined recipient; each message is dispersed in an indistinct tide of information, with no constructive logic or clear purpose. In this context, every discussion on social media is bound to fade quickly, buried by new conversations lacking continuity. Nothing preserved, nothing constructed.
In the Party, on the other hand, communication is an integral part of a long-term project. Each contribution is treated carefully and systematically, not to be forgotten, but to be archived and enhanced over time. The work is not dispersed, but rather rigorously organized, so that it can build, brick by brick, a solid foundation for the Party’s collective intelligence. Each intervention, each analysis, each correspondence, is intended to endure and contribute to the strengthening of revolutionary action, with a clear and forward-looking vision. This method not only guarantees the continuity of the Party’s theoretical and practical work, but also represents the fundamental difference between our approach and the fragmented and scattered communication typical of bourgeois society.
One cannot give in to the temptation to adopt the communication methods typical of social media within the Party, simply because it might be “easier.” The Party cannot, and will never, choose the “easy way out.” Doing so would betray its historical nature and mission. Those who would delude themselves into thinking that they could transpose typical mass communication habits into the Party would actually just fall into a distorted conception of the Party itself. Such a view would end up confusing the Party with the formless and disorganized mass, assimilating its emotional instability, restlessness for restlessness’ sake, and the inconclusive frenzy of communication without any purpose, plan, or program.
The Party, on the other hand, is a compact organism driven by theoretical clarity and strategic coherence. Internal communication cannot, and must not, be random or impulsive, but rather must always respond to a definite purpose, fitting harmoniously into the work plans and traditional line of action.
The petty-bourgeois leftist, on the contrary, finds his natural habitat in social media, where he spends hours in incessant agitation. He constantly seeks confrontation and approval, drawing attention to himself with empty “revolutionary” buzzwords, which he repeats without any connection to the material and objective conditions of a given situation. He puffs up his chest, exalting himself with high-sounding and suggestive speeches, which do not, however, rest on any real basis. This attitude is not only alien to Party action, it is dangerously illusory, for it masks the absence of any concrete analysis of reality with empty slogans which are incapable of really affecting the class struggle.
In the Party, it is the opposite; every word and every action must be rooted in knowledge of the objective conditions and the needs of the working class. There is no room for superficiality or self-aggrandizement. What counts is the clarity and effectiveness of the revolutionary message, always geared toward building collective consciousness and action. Only in this way can the Party remain true to its historical role as the vanguard of the proletarian class, without getting drawn into the inconclusive whirlpools of petty-bourgeois agitation.
The Party has no need to rely on individuals whose popularity or visibility on social media allow them to exert significant influence on the opinions and attitudes of the masses. The Party rejects the very idea of tying itself to individual figures; it has no need to personify itself through the face—or name—of any particular character. This principle is not new, but consistent with its historical vision. The Party has always firmly rejected the demagogic personification of its enemies, and likewise refuses to fall into the trap of entrusting its image or goals to individuals, no matter how “charismatic” or influential they may appear.
Even in the age of social media, with the spread of personal visibility and the cult of the celebrity, the Party will continue to carry out its propaganda in complete anonymity. Its strength lies not in faces or names, but in the unity and consistency of its doctrine and collective activity. Renouncing the figure of the “talking head” is not a loss, but an act of consistency and strength, which guarantees that the Party will never deviate into forms of personalism or aping the protagonists of the bourgeoisie.
Revolutionary propaganda does not need to make a spectacle of itself or appeal to individual authority. Its legitimacy derives from the soundness of Marxist theory, which gives it the ability to organize and lead the working class toward revolution.
In this sense, anonymity is not a weakness, but a hallmark of the purity of the Party’s struggle, which distances itself from the corrupt and alienating dynamics of the capitalist system, where everything is reduced to images and spectacle. The Party should remain a collective entity immune to these mystifications. It shall be strong not in individuals, but in organizational compactness and the clarity of its historical project.
Social media work, like any other propaganda activity, must be carried out by militants with proven experience, and only following central approval. Their actions must be constantly reported to the center and documented in detail, while maintaining strict organization. It is essential that militants engaged in this activity do not express anything in a personal capacity, nor try to build a persona around their character. Their presence on social media must always be functional for the dissemination of texts, newspapers and leaflets produced by the Party, without deviating into individual or personal initiatives.
At this historical stage, characterized by the relative weakness of the proletarian class, this is certainly not the time to produce “new” specific content to feed the volatile dynamics of social media. Propaganda must follow a precise, pre-established and periodically checked plan, avoiding any dissipation of energy and any temptation to adapt to the ephemeral rhythms of modern communication. The first priority is to strengthen the organs of our movement, especially the party press, which is the fundamental tool for organizing and directing the revolutionary struggle.
The Party has its own specific organs of information and propaganda, and comrades must devote themselves exclusively to these. Collaborating with external press or media that do not belong to the Party, as well as making propaganda through personal channels such as social profiles or blogs, is alien to the Party’s method and must be avoided. In reality, communist propaganda does not rely on ephemeral or individualistic means, but is based on collective and centralized action, aimed at building a solid and lasting collective intelligence.
The Party’s first task in this context is to enable new contacts to devote all their energies to correspondence with the Party itself. This flow of internal communication is essential to nurture the Party’s ability to develop a more comprehensive and articulate press, one which can respond to the needs of the working class and guide it toward revolutionary consciousness-raising and organization. Action on social media, therefore, must be conceived not as an end in itself, but as an integral part of a larger and more structured project, always at the service of strengthening the Party’s central organs.