The First International Repercussions of the Events in Germany

Our fraction is the only group which has – among the various oppositions – raised a double perspective of the events in connection with the fascist advance in Germany. It is well known that Comrade Trotski has raised the vision of a concentration of international capitalism around Hitler for the war against Russia. For a long time we have indicated that one of the consequences of “socialism in one country” could consist in the fact that the Soviet State itself, instead of remaining the pole of concentration of the world proletariat, descended on the chessboard of inter-imperialist competitions. And not following Lenin’s directive, to maneuver among groups of brigands, just to become the element of one or another constellation of these brigands.

Immediately after Hitler’s entry into government and the international tension that corresponded to it, the centrist press posed the problem of Versailles, of the liberation of the German “people” from the chains of the so-called peace treaties. But what is enormously more serious is that the Communist International has not even felt the need to launch a manifesto to the international proletariat, that no campaign of an international nature has been prearranged, that the German events are presented as of secondary importance by the party press.

In the meantime the two groups of brigands emerge: the fascist states and the anti-fascist states. The Social Democratic International speaks without equivocation. In its manifesto of February 19, it writes: “Stand up for the fight against fascism! Stand for the struggle against war!”

And in the context of the manifesto it reads, “The plans to form a bloc of fascist states and to oppose them to France and its Eastern allies now threaten to divide Europe into two enemy camps armed against each other.” Europe knows, from its own bloody experience, where the politics of alliances leads. And if one wants to understand what the position of the Social-Democratic International will be between these two camps, it is enough to glance through the press: in France it is shown that – as a consequence of Fascism – the Republic and freedom are in danger and in Belgium it goes much further and the Social-Democrats are already rising against the government which does not impose on Germany the respect of Versailles (incorporation of the armed forces of Fascism into the police), they note that the demilitarization of the left bank of the Rhine is already compromised, and place themselves at the head of chauvinism. There is no doubt that in the event of a war between fascist and anti-fascist states, the place of social democracy will be in the camp of the latter and from that tribune it will be called upon – as in 1914 – to defend democratic capitalism, that democracy which the proletarians of Indochina know so well.

The Socialist International makes a proposal to the centrists, obviously to enter its orbit. In the meantime, Herriot works along the same lines to win Russia over to the interests of France and puts forward the vision of an alliance based on socialism and “tame communism”.

Russia so far maneuvers and is careful not to soften its relations with Germany. The fact that there is no incompatibility between fascist Germany and Soviet Russia is proved by Hitler’s declarations, who said that “communism is not a matter of State” and that therefore it is possible to maintain excellent relations with Russia without encountering the slightest obstacle in the fight against communism. General von Seeckt goes much further and advocates a strengthening of relations with Russia for the fight against France.

We have always maintained that the more the chance of revolution being the exit out of the present situations recedes, the more the danger of the fall of these situations towards war arises. We have for years presented the vision of the blocs of tomorrow and indicated the double mask of capitalism to drag the proletariat to the slaughter.

Already the possibility of a war can be glimpsed in the alliances that are being prepared, a manifestation of which has been fulfilled in the constitution of a kind of organism that links the Small Entente. The Hirtemberg affair is very significant in this respect.

The centrist press has ceased to present the danger of world war against Russia. But it has not told us what Russia’s position will be for the imperialist war which is being prepared.

We already know that centrism will certainly bring the Soviet state into one of the two combinations of imperialism, and then all masks will fall and the hour of betrayal will be definitely over, since Lenin’s directive will be replaced by the other justification of that alliance which allows the success of socialism in only one country.

As for social democracy, as in 1914, it will call the proletariat to defend the so-called democratic fatherland of capitalism.

It is up to the fractions of the left to act today for the defense of the international proletariat, just as it will be up to them to take up again the flag of communism that centrism will surely betray.