Poland in the cyclone of imperialist war

More than four years have passed since Russia’s large-scale military invasion of Ukraine. Our press has already covered this conflict extensively, as there is much to say about the various capitalist interests involved in this tragic event: the roles of the United States, the European Union, and Russia.

Let’s take a look at the situation in Poland and its role in this war. Given its border with Ukraine, which stretches over 500 kilometers, and its close ties to the Western bourgeoisie, this country occupies a key position in the ongoing conflict. One might think that Poland has every interest in seeing this war end, but appearances are often deceiving, and a closer examination of the situation in the region reveals deeper underlying issues.

Faced with the tragedy unfolding just across the border, which has inflicted unimaginable suffering on the Ukrainian working class, the Polish ruling class has not hesitated to exploit the situation to its fullest. Not only has the war brought an influx of Ukrainian women to Poland, and many men, willing to take on any job to survive, but it has also provided public opinion with an ideal scapegoat: the “lazy immigrant,” a stereotype particularly dear to the bourgeoisie worldwide. In this way, the Polish proletariat is driven to feel contempt and aversion toward their Ukrainian brothers, if not fear, fueled also by the Russian threat looming in this “war of civilizations,” in the words of Polish President Karol Nawrocki. Fear and panic, fueled by the bourgeois press and media, are insinuating themselves into daily life.

Furthermore, this conflict is not only a constant threat to workers but also a means of further exploiting the working class. As the war has dragged on, the material consequences for the proletariat have worsened, with a considerable portion of economic resources being diverted to armaments and the military. On the other hand, the massive influx of Ukrainian labor, while helping to alleviate shortages in certain sectors, has also intensified competition for jobs, and the country’s social infrastructure has been put under severe strain. Finally, the length of the war has led Polish workers to begin distancing themselves from the chaos reigning on the other side of the border. The latest polls have recorded the worst results in terms of Polish support for Ukrainian refugees, falling from 94% in 2022 to just 48% in 2026.

The conclusion is clear: the population is growing weary of the seemingly never-ending conflict on its borders. Some are seeking answers by supporting the most reactionary wings of the bourgeoisie, as evidenced by the rise of nationalist and ultra-nationalist parties (such as the Confederation) which, despite their still-limited influence, maintain their popularity amid this chaos. The same is true of the reformist left wing of the bourgeoisie, such as the “Ensemble” party, which, following the last elections, refused to cooperate with the current parliamentary bloc and has seen its popularity grow, playing a more significant role in major cities, industrial centers, and universities. Both sets of parties are tools serving the ruling class in Poland.

Poland depends on economic support from the EU, but it also depends on U.S. military support (arms supplies, intelligence) as a deterrent against Russia. All of this places Poland in a delicate situation in light of the recent tensions between the ruling classes of Europe and America, which, despite being antagonistic, are ultimately nothing more than the two poles of a single imperialist bloc. Consequently, the recently elected Polish president, Karol Nawrocki, of the conservative “Law and Justice” party, is seeking greater cooperation with the American ruling class, while the Parliament is inclined to support the European Union.

The Polish middle class, however, is united in its stance on the war in Ukraine. This unity is also supported by the more left-wing factions in Parliament, such as the “Ensemble” and Left parties, already mentioned, which, although small in number (Poland has never been fertile ground for the rise of social-democratic opportunism), urge the government to act in light of the need to build a “strong and effective” army. This is evidenced by the statement from Polish Defense Minister Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz, who emphasizes the need to develop the military apparatus and increase arms production in the face of the threat posed by Russian imperialism. Consequently, Poland has seen a sharp increase in its military budget, with funding rising from 2.4% of Poland’s GDP in 2022 to 4.7% in 2025. Today, the Polish army’s strength has grown from 164,000 soldiers in 2022 to 213,000 in 2025, making it one of the largest in Europe.

The same is true across Europe, where various nation-states have recently launched an ambitious rearmament plan, driven by the need to participate in the imperialist war currently unfolding in Ukraine and various other parts of the world; in the course of this war, European states are also being called upon to play a role in defending their respective national interests.

The proletariat of Western countries is constantly bombarded with the horrors of the war in Ukraine on social media, and this also applies to Poland, a country bordering the conflict. Polish workers are not only exploited by their capitalist masters, but are also terrorized by their bourgeois press, which incessantly repeats, “Ukraine today, Poland tomorrow,” sowing anguish in the minds of an already exhausted proletariat, who don’t believe the war will end tomorrow. And so everything continues to function, because the wheels must turn for the capitalist machine to keep going, while the proletariat is terrified of what might happen next, fully convinced that there is nothing else to do but support their nation, their bourgeoisie, their exploiters in these terrible times.

But is it really impossible to do anything? Is the future really so bleak, with war and death as the only prospects on the horizon? Yes; as long as the bourgeoisie and capitalist relations persist, the continuation of wars—and their escalation toward a third imperialist world war—will be inevitable. Only the communist revolution—which stands in opposition to this prospect, under the leadership of the International Communist Party, whose necessity Marx and Lenin long ago emphasized—will put an end to the madness of the horrors created by capitalism. The proletariat must become aware of its own power and refuse to play along with the game so meticulously devised by the capitalists—a game with clearly defined limits and multiple facets, such as democraticism and electoralism, which, in the end, all converge toward a single goal: the total domination of the bourgeois order. The proletariat must understand that it is the only class capable of advancing history; the only one capable of abolishing the current state of affairs; the only one capable of abolishing even itself as an expression of this society. That is why the work of the International Communist Party is more important than ever; in these times of fear and uncertainty, it is the only party capable of dispelling bourgeois illusions and leading the proletariat to its final victory.